Ephesians 4, The Freedom of Forgiveness, Pastor Gary Flynt


Gary Flynt
6 hrs · 


The Freedom Of Forgiveness
Ephesians 4

There are two things that cause great emotional and spiritual damage to anyone: guilt and bitterness. Guilt imprisons us and bitterness poisons us. The answer to both problems is forgiveness.
Guilt is the result of something we have done wrong. Bitterness is our reaction to a wrong someone else has done. Both have us in a prison and forgiveness is what can set us free.
God’s forgiveness sets us free from the prison of guilt. Our forgiveness of others sets us free from the prison of bitterness. Take a look at Ephesians 4:31-32. “Let all bitterness, and wrath, and anger, and clamor, and evil speaking, be put away from you, with all malice: and be kind one to another, tenderhearted, forgiving one another, even as God for Christ’s sake hath forgiven you.”
When you truly forgive from your heart, you set two prisoners free….and one of them is you. To forgive means to pay a debt. There are no bargain pardons. That’s why Jesus told us to pray: “Forgive us our debts, as we forgive our debtors.” Sin is a debt that we owe. We have sinned against Heaven and we have been sued for damages. It’s a debt we can’t pay. But God in His mercy and love has paid that debt and has forgiven us. 
There are no free pardons. When someone is pardoned, someone else has to pay. If Joe owes me a thousand dollars and comes to me and says, “Pastor, I can’t pay it,” and if I say, “Okay, Joe, I forgive you that debt,” it costs me a thousand dollars. The word “forgiveness” actually means to bear the burden. 
Did it cost Jesus to forgive us? Ephesians 1:7 says, “In whom we have redemption through his blood, the forgiveness of sins, according to the riches of his grace.” Jesus spilled His blood and cancelled the debt. That’s why we say, “G-R-A-C-E: God’s Riches At Christ’s Expense.”
When you confess your sin and ask God to forgive and save you, He does forgive and save you. But you’re not done with forgiveness then: you must begin to forgive others. If you receive mercy, you must show mercy. If you don’t forgive others, you dam up God’s stream of mercy toward you.
Forgiveness of your sins puts you into the family of God. But if you fail to forgive others, you destroy family fellowship.
The first thing I want you to see is the compelling reasons for forgiveness. Why forgive? First, there is the grace factor. Ephesians 4:32 says, “…and be kind one to another, tenderhearted, forgiving one another, even as God for Christ’s sake hath forgiven you.” I forgive you because God has forgiven me. That’s called grace.
There was a young man who was involved with a growing business. He misappropriated several hundred dollars and it was discovered. He was summoned to the manager’s office. He knew this was most likely the end of his job. As he went up the stairs he had a very heavy heart. He walked into that executive’s office and the man looked him in the eye and said, “Is it true that you’ve done this?” The man bowed his head and said, “It’s true. I’m guilty.” The manager said, “If I were to forgive you and allow you to keep your position, could I trust you to be completely honest in the future?” He said, “Sir, if you forgive me and give me another chance, I’ll be the best employee you’ve ever had.” The manager said, “You’re forgiven, but I want you to know that you’re not the first man in this company to make such a mistake. As a young employee I did almost the same thing as you and I was forgiven. I’m showing you the same mercy that was shown me. May God have mercy on us both.”
There was a lady in a hospital down in Rome, Georgia who wrote a letter to a local pastor. She said, “Two young men from your church came over here and donated blood for me. They don’t know me and I don’t know them. I don’t even know their names. But I want to tell you about the note they left me. It says, “We gave our blood to you because Jesus gave His blood for us.” Isn’t that beautiful?
One of the reasons you and I need to forgive is because of the grace factor. But there is also the guilt factor. Look at Matthew 6:14-15. Jesus says, “For if we forgive men their trespasses, your heavenly father will also forgive you: but if you forgive not men their trespasses, neither will your Father forgive your trespasses.”
Think about that. The person who refuses to forgive destroys the bridge over which he must walk. An unforgiving spirit is unforgiveable. Forgiving and being forgiven go together. The only person who can afford never to forgive is the person who will never need forgiveness. The model prayer says, “Father, forgive us as we forgive those….” If you don’t forgive the person who has wronged you, then that’s a pretty stupid prayer for you to pray. You’re saying, “Father treat me like I treat them.” 
Or, if you say, “Father, I’ll forgive them, but I’ll never have anything to do with them again.” God says, “Okay, I’ll forgive you, but I’ll never have anything to do with you again.”
An unforgiving spirit is not just you missing a blessing, it’s a vile, wicked sin. It’s in the same category as stealing or blasphemy. It’s God’s nature to forgive. If you don’t forgive, you’re not like God. If you’re not like God, then you’re un-godly.  
Jesus illustrated this in Matthew 18:23-24. “Therefore is the kingdom of heaven likened unto a certain king, which would take account of his servants. And when he had begun to reckon, one was brought unto him, which owed him ten thousand talents.”
This man is doing an audit and finds that one man owes him ten thousand talents. Look at verse 25-26. “But forasmuch as he had not to pay, his lord commanded him to be sold, and his wife, and children, and all that he had. The servant therefore fell down, and worshipped him, saying, Lord, have patience with me, and I will pay thee all.” This is a vain boast because there is no way he could pay that kind of debt. Look at verse 27. “Then the lord of that servant was moved with compassion, and loosed him, and forgave him the debt.”
A talent was the largest measurement of money in the Roman world. We’re talking about the wages of 17 men for 10,000 years. It would be roughly a billion dollars in today’s money. Solomon’s temple was overlaid with 8 thousand talents of gold. This man owes 10 thousand talents. The word “talents” literally means “without number.” Sometimes the Bible translates it as “myriads.” It’s an astronomical amount of money. There’s no possible way this man could ever pay that amount, but the king forgives him. At that moment, it cost the king 10 thousand talents.
But then the man who’s forgiven goes out and finds someone who owes him money. Look at verse 28. “But the same servant went out, and found one of his fellow servants, which owed him a hundred pence: and he laid hands on him, and took him by the throat, saying, Pay me that thou owest.” A pence is a day’s labor. This man had been forgiven billions, yet he won’t forgive a man who owes him a day’s wages.
Look at verses 29-30. “And his fellow servant fell down at his feet, and besought him, saying, Have patience with me, and I will pay thee all. And he would not: but went and cast him into prison, till he should pay the debt.”
Do you see the analogy Jesus is making? He’s pointing out the wickedness of this man who’s been forgiven. The king becomes wroth and throws this man in prison himself. Look at verses 31-35. “So when his fellow servants saw what was done, they were very sorry, and came and told unto their lord all that was done. Then his lord, after that he had called him, said unto him, O thou wicked servant, I forgave thee all that debt because thou desiredst me: shouldest not thou also have had compassion on thy fellow servant, even as I had pity on thee? And his lord was wroth, and delivered him to the tormentors, till he should pay all that was due unto him. So likewise shall my heavenly Father do also unto you, if ye from your hearts forgive not every one his brother their trespasses.”
Is there somebody who has wronged you? Have you been holding back forgiveness? Yet, Jesus has paid your sin debt with His blood? James 2:13 says, “For he shall have judgment without mercy, that hath showed no mercy…”
We should forgive because of the grace factor….we’ve been forgiven. We should forgive because of the guilt factor….we’re in need of forgiveness each day. Only a person who never sins can afford not to forgive…..and there is no such person.
Thirdly, there is the grief factor. This man who failed to forgive endured the severest discipline. Hebrews 12:15 says, “Looking diligently lest any man fail of the grace of God; lest any root of bitterness springing up trouble you, and thereby many be defiled.” If you don’t forgive, you will know unusual trouble and grief.
It’s not just what an unforgiving spirit does to someone else; it does you personal harm. You say, “So and so did this to me and I’m going to get even.” Have you ever thought about what that means? You’re up here…..they’re down there…..and you’re going to get even with them? That means you’re going to descend to their level.
You say, “Okay, I won’t get even; I’ll just continue to hate.” In that case, you’re committing emotional suicide. Bitterness is an acid that destroys the container in which it is held. 
You say, “Pastor, if you only knew what they did to me, you wouldn’t let them off the hook either.” Friend, you’re on the hook with them! You need to forgive because of the grief factor…..in other words, what that unforgiving spirit is going to do to you.
Fourthly, you need to forgive because of the gain factor. In Matthew 5:24 Jesus is talking about someone who’s bringing a gift to the temple. And on the way, they remember that there’s a problem between them and someone else. It says, “Leave there thy gift before the altar, and go thy way; first be reconciled to thy brother, and then come and offer thy gift.”
If you’re here with bitterness in your heart, you need to keep your offering. Don’t spend it on something else because its tainted money……It taint yours! Go and be reconciled with your brother and then bring your offering.
Look at Matthew 18:15. “Moreover if thy brother shall trespass against thee, go and tell him his fault between thee and him alone: if he shall hear thee, thou hast gained thy brother.” A brother is a precious thing to waste.
If you come to church with bitterness in your heart and with some grudge against your brother, you disgrace Almighty God. When children fuss and fight, it’s a disgrace to the parents. 
But not only is it a disgrace to the Father, it’s a disgrace to the saints. Have you ever been to a congregation where there’s a church fuss going on? The devil would rather start a church fuss than sell a barrel of whiskey any old day! Unforgiveness is also a delight to the devil. 
These are all compelling reasons for forgiveness. But now let’s talk about the costly requirements of forgiveness. There are no bargain pardons. Jesus is the model of our forgiveness. He paid the price. You are going to have to know a little personal Gethsemane and Calvary before you can truly forgive someone who has deeply hurt you.
How did Jesus forgive? First, He forgave freely. His forgiveness is free, spontaneous and quick. Don’t wait until you’ve collected your revenge to forgive. Don’t make them suffer the way they made you suffer. Don’t get your pound of flesh before you decide to forgive.
If someone treats you that way and then says, “Okay, now I’m ready to forgive,” you feel like saying, “I don’t need forgiveness anymore: I’ve already paid!”
Forgive freely. You should be so ready to forgive that you chase them down in order to forgive them. Isn’t that what God did for you? We love Him why? Because He first loved us.
When Adam and Eve sinned in the Garden of Eden, God didn’t sit up there in Heaven saying, “If they come to me, then maybe I’ll be persuaded to forgive them.” God came to the Garden and asked, “Adam, where are you?” God knew where he was, but He wanted Adam to know where he was.
Peter asked Jesus, “How many times do I need to forgive my brother? Seven times?” Jesus said, “No, seventy times seven.” He didn’t mean that you stop forgiving after 490 times. He’s telling us to take the mathematics out of it altogether. Don’t keep score! Forgiveness has no limit. Forgive freely, even if you have to chase somebody down in order to forgive them.
Not only should you forgive freely; you should forgive fully. If somebody asks you to forgive them, don’t say, “Forget about it,” or “Don’t worry about it.” That’s not forgiveness. That person needs to hear you say, “I forgive you.”
Don’t go to someone and say, “If I’ve hurt your feelings, I want to apologize.” The word from which we get our word “apologize” means “to make a defense.” When you make an apology, you’re really defending yourself. If you offend someone, don’t apologize. Just say, “I was wrong. Would you forgive me?” And when you fully forgive, it gets buried in the grave of God’s forgetfulness.
Then forgive finally. Don’t bring it up again……EVER! Look at Isaiah 43:25. “I, even I, am he that blotteth out thy transgression for mine own sake, and will not remember thy sins.” That’s forgiveness once and for all. You say, “Pastor, are you telling me that God doesn’t remember my sins anymore? I thought God was omniscient. How can God truly forget anything?” Well, intellectually, God can’t forget. God doesn’t develop amnesia. But when God says, “I will remember them no more,” He’s saying, “I will never bring them up again. I’m not going to use them against you. If I remember them, I’ll remember them as forgiven sins.” 
Finally, forgive forcefully. It’s not natural to forgive. Our spirits demand justice. We’re thinking, “They hurt me and need to understand how badly they hurt me.” It has been well said, “To err is human: to forgive divine.” You need Jesus to be forgiven and you need Jesus in order to forgive.
Ephesians 4:32 says, “And be kind one to another, tenderhearted, forgiving one another, even as God for Christ’s sake hath forgiven you.” Where do you get that kindness? It comes from Jesus…..the same One who has forgiven us, and put His Spirit in us, and who has enabled us to forgive.
Some of you have heard of Corrie Tin Boom. She was a Dutch girl who was taken by the Nazis in WWII and put in a concentration camp along with her sister. She was put in Ravensbrook because she had been hiding the Jews as a Gentile. Her hiding place was discovered. Her sister died in that concentration camp. They were both treated with unimaginable cruelty and brutality. They almost starved to death. They were put to hard labor. They were stripped and forced to shower as the guards stared at them with leering eyes. They did everything they could to humiliate this righteous and godly girl. 
After Corrie got out of the camp she continued to serve God. She was giving a message of forgiveness to a crowd. After her message, a man walked up to her, put out his hand and said, “Corrie, isn’t the grace of God something wonderful? Isn’t forgiveness wonderful?” When she looked into this man’s face, she froze for a moment. It was the prison guard who had humiliated and abused her.
She said, “I wanted to put out my hand because I had just spoken about forgiveness, but I couldn’t. So I prayed, “Oh, Jesus, help me to forgive.”” Then she put her hand in his and she said, “The love of Jesus began to flow through my body.”
Think about how Jesus has forgiven us. Don’t insult the grace of God by saying, “I can’t forgive!” You forgive freely, finally, fully, and forcefully.
Think about the certain results of forgiveness. When there is forgiveness, there’s a personal emancipation. You’re set free. Secondly, there is reconciliation between you and somebody else. And, lastly, there is going to be spiritual jubilation. Real revival is not getting the roof off and getting right with God; it’s getting the walls down and getting right with one another.
Has somebody wronged you? Forget it and bury it in the grave of God’s forgetfulness and forgive.
You say, “Pastor, can I forgive if that person continues to do the same thing? Can I forgive if that person hasn’t repented and continues to hurt me?” That’s a hard question because even God doesn’t forgive without repentance, does He?
If they haven’t repented, is it up to you to get them to? No. God says, “Vengeance is mine, I will repay, sayeth the Lord.” If you can’t forgive because of their continuing practice, you can have the spirit of forgiveness. What did Jesus do on the cross? While they were still nailing Him up He prayed, “Father, forgive them for they know not what they do.”
You may have to put forgiveness in escrow until that person is ready to write a check of repentance, but at least you’ve uploaded it so that person can download it when they’re ready. But don’t lock yourself in a prison of guilt swallowing the poison of bitterness. How foolish!
All true forgiveness begins with receiving forgiveness. If you’ve never really received forgiveness, it’s time for you to do it right now. God longs to forgive you. Jesus died to forgive you. He wants to cleanse you. And He will if you come to Him. He says that if we confess our sin, He will cleanse and forgive our sin.
Would you open your heart to Him today and receive Him into your heart?


The Federalist No. 10

The Federalist No. 10

The Utility of the Union as a Safeguard Against Domestic Faction and Insurrection (continued)

Daily Advertiser
Thursday, November 22, 1787
[James Madison]

To the People of the State of New York:

AMONG the numerous advantages promised by a well constructed Union, none deserves to be more accurately developed than its tendency to break and control the violence of faction. The friend of popular governments never finds himself so much alarmed for their character and fate, as when he contemplates their propensity to this dangerous vice. He will not fail, therefore, to set a due value on any plan which, without violating the principles to which he is attached, provides a proper cure for it. The instability, injustice, and confusion introduced into the public councils, have, in truth, been the mortal diseases under which popular governments have everywhere perished; as they continue to be the favorite and fruitful topics from which the adversaries to liberty derive their most specious declamations. The valuable improvements made by the American constitutions on the popular models, both ancient and modern, cannot certainly be too much admired; but it would be an unwarrantable partiality, to contend that they have as effectually obviated the danger on this side, as was wished and expected. Complaints are everywhere heard from our most considerate and virtuous citizens, equally the friends of public and private faith, and of public and personal liberty, that our governments are too unstable, that the public good is disregarded in the conflicts of rival parties, and that measures are too often decided, not according to the rules of justice and the rights of the minor party, but by the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. However anxiously we may wish that these complaints had no foundation, the evidence, of known facts will not permit us to deny that they are in some degree true. It will be found, indeed, on a candid review of our situation, that some of the distresses under which we labor have been erroneously charged on the operation of our governments; but it will be found, at the same time, that other causes will not alone account for many of our heaviest misfortunes; and, particularly, for that prevailing and increasing distrust of public engagements, and alarm for private rights, which are echoed from one end of the continent to the other. These must be chiefly, if not wholly, effects of the unsteadiness and injustice with which a factious spirit has tainted our public administrations.

By a faction, I understand a number of citizens, whether amounting to a majority or a minority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adversed to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community.

There are two methods of curing the mischiefs of faction: the one, by removing its causes; the other, by controlling its effects.

There are again two methods of removing the causes of faction: the one, by destroying the liberty which is essential to its existence; the other, by giving to every citizen the same opinions, the same passions, and the same interests.

It could never be more truly said than of the first remedy, that it was worse than the disease. Liberty is to faction what air is to fire, an aliment without which it instantly expires. But it could not be less folly to abolish liberty, which is essential to political life, because it nourishes faction, than it would be to wish the annihilation of air, which is essential to animal life, because it imparts to fire its destructive agency.

The second expedient is as impracticable as the first would be unwise. As long as the reason of man continues fallible, and he is at liberty to exercise it, different opinions will be formed. As long as the connection subsists between his reason and his self-love, his opinions and his passions will have a reciprocal influence on each other; and the former will be objects to which the latter will attach themselves. The diversity in the faculties of men, from which the rights of property originate, is not less an insuperable obstacle to a uniformity of interests. The protection of these faculties is the first object of government. From the protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring property, the possession of different degrees and kinds of property immediately results; and from the influence of these on the sentiments and views of the respective proprietors, ensues a division of the society into different interests and parties.

The latent causes of faction are thus sown in the nature of man; and we see them everywhere brought into different degrees of activity, according to the different circumstances of civil society. A zeal for different opinions concerning religion, concerning government, and many other points, as well of speculation as of practice; an attachment to different leaders ambitiously contending for pre-eminence and power; or to persons of other descriptions whose fortunes have been interesting to the human passions, have, in turn, divided mankind into parties, inflamed them with mutual animosity, and rendered them much more disposed to vex and oppress each other than to co-operate for their common good. So strong is this propensity of mankind to fall into mutual animosities, that where no substantial occasion presents itself, the most frivolous and fanciful distinctions have been sufficient to kindle their unfriendly passions and excite their most violent conflicts. But the most common and durable source of factions has been the various and unequal distribution of property. Those who hold and those who are without property have ever formed distinct interests in society. Those who are creditors, and those who are debtors, fall under a like discrimination. A landed interest, a manufacturing interest, a mercantile interest, a moneyed interest, with many lesser interests, grow up of necessity in civilized nations, and divide them into different classes, actuated by different sentiments and views. The regulation of these various and interfering interests forms the principal task of modern legislation, and involves the spirit of party and faction in the necessary and ordinary operations of the government.

No man is allowed to be a judge in his own cause, because his interest would certainly bias his judgment, and, not improbably, corrupt his integrity. With equal, nay with greater reason, a body of men are unfit to be both judges and parties at the same time; yet what are many of the most important acts of legislation, but so many judicial determinations, not indeed concerning the rights of single persons, but concerning the rights of large bodies of citizens? And what are the different classes of legislators but advocates and parties to the causes which they determine? Is a law proposed concerning private debts? It is a question to which the creditors are parties on one side and the debtors on the other. Justice ought to hold the balance between them. Yet the parties are, and must be, themselves the judges; and the most numerous party, or, in other words, the most powerful faction must be expected to prevail. Shall domestic manufactures be encouraged, and in what degree, by restrictions on foreign manufactures? are questions which would be differently decided by the landed and the manufacturing classes, and probably by neither with a sole regard to justice and the public good. The apportionment of taxes on the various descriptions of property is an act which seems to require the most exact impartiality; yet there is, perhaps, no legislative act in which greater opportunity and temptation are given to a predominant party to trample on the rules of justice. Every shilling with which they overburden the inferior number, is a shilling saved to their own pockets.

It is in vain to say that enlightened statesmen will be able to adjust these clashing interests, and render them all subservient to the public good. Enlightened statesmen will not always be at the helm. Nor, in many cases, can such an adjustment be made at all without taking into view indirect and remote considerations, which will rarely prevail over the immediate interest which one party may find in disregarding the rights of another or the good of the whole.

The inference to which we are brought is, that the causes of faction cannot be removed, and that relief is only to be sought in the means of controlling its effects.

If a faction consists of less than a majority, relief is supplied by the republican principle, which enables the majority to defeat its sinister views by regular vote. It may clog the administration, it may convulse the society; but it will be unable to execute and mask its violence under the forms of the Constitution. When a majority is included in a faction, the form of popular government, on the other hand, enables it to sacrifice to its ruling passion or interest both the public good and the rights of other citizens. To secure the public good and private rights against the danger of such a faction, and at the same time to preserve the spirit and the form of popular government, is then the great object to which our inquiries are directed. Let me add that it is the great desideratum by which this form of government can be rescued from the opprobrium under which it has so long labored, and be recommended to the esteem and adoption of mankind.

By what means is this object attainable? Evidently by one of two only. Either the existence of the same passion or interest in a majority at the same time must be prevented, or the majority, having such coexistent passion or interest, must be rendered, by their number and local situation, unable to concert and carry into effect schemes of oppression. If the impulse and the opportunity be suffered to coincide, we well know that neither moral nor religious motives can be relied on as an adequate control. They are not found to be such on the injustice and violence of individuals, and lose their efficacy in proportion to the number combined together, that is, in proportion as their efficacy becomes needful.

From this view of the subject it may be concluded that a pure democracy, by which I mean a society consisting of a small number of citizens, who assemble and administer the government in person, can admit of no cure for the mischiefs of faction. A common passion or interest will, in almost every case, be felt by a majority of the whole; a communication and concert result from the form of government itself; and there is nothing to check the inducements to sacrifice the weaker party or an obnoxious individual. Hence it is that such democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention; have ever been found incompatible with personal security or the rights of property; and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths. Theoretic politicians, who have patronized this species of government, have erroneously supposed that by reducing mankind to a perfect equality in their political rights, they would, at the same time, be perfectly equalized and assimilated in their possessions, their opinions, and their passions.

A republic, by which I mean a government in which the scheme of representation takes place, opens a different prospect, and promises the cure for which we are seeking. Let us examine the points in which it varies from pure democracy, and we shall comprehend both the nature of the cure and the efficacy which it must derive from the Union.

The two great points of difference between a democracy and a republic are: first, the delegation of the government, in the latter, to a small number of citizens elected by the rest; secondly, the greater number of citizens, and greater sphere of country, over which the latter may be extended.

The effect of the first difference is, on the one hand, to refine and enlarge the public views, by passing them through the medium of a chosen body of citizens, whose wisdom may best discern the true interest of their country, and whose patriotism and love of justice will be least likely to sacrifice it to temporary or partial considerations. Under such a regulation, it may well happen that the public voice, pronounced by the representatives of the people, will be more consonant to the public good than if pronounced by the people themselves, convened for the purpose. On the other hand, the effect may be inverted. Men of factious tempers, of local prejudices, or of sinister designs, may, by intrigue, by corruption, or by other means, first obtain the suffrages, and then betray the interests, of the people. The question resulting is, whether small or extensive republics are more favorable to the election of proper guardians of the public weal; and it is clearly decided in favor of the latter by two obvious considerations:

In the first place, it is to be remarked that, however small the republic may be, the representatives must be raised to a certain number, in order to guard against the cabals of a few; and that, however large it may be, they must be limited to a certain number, in order to guard against the confusion of a multitude. Hence, the number of representatives in the two cases not being in proportion to that of the two constituents, and being proportionally greater in the small republic, it follows that, if the proportion of fit characters be not less in the large than in the small republic, the former will present a greater option, and consequently a greater probability of a fit choice.

In the next place, as each representative will be chosen by a greater number of citizens in the large than in the small republic, it will be more difficult for unworthy candidates to practice with success the vicious arts by which elections are too often carried; and the suffrages of the people being more free, will be more likely to centre in men who possess the most attractive merit and the most diffusive and established characters.

It must be confessed that in this, as in most other cases, there is a mean, on both sides of which inconveniences will be found to lie. By enlarging too much the number of electors, you render the representatives too little acquainted with all their local circumstances and lesser interests; as by reducing it too much, you render him unduly attached to these, and too little fit to comprehend and pursue great and national objects. The federal Constitution forms a happy combination in this respect; the great and aggregate interests being referred to the national, the local and particular to the State legislatures.

The other point of difference is, the greater number of citizens and extent of territory which may be brought within the compass of republican than of democratic government; and it is this circumstance principally which renders factious combinations less to be dreaded in the former than in the latter. The smaller the society, the fewer probably will be the distinct parties and interests composing it; the fewer the distinct parties and interests, the more frequently will a majority be found of the same party; and the smaller the number of individuals composing a majority, and the smaller the compass within which they are placed, the more easily will they concert and execute their plans of oppression. Extend the sphere, and you take in a greater variety of parties and interests; you make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of other citizens; or if such a common motive exists, it will be more difficult for all who feel it to discover their own strength, and to act in unison with each other. Besides other impediments, it may be remarked that, where there is a consciousness of unjust or dishonorable purposes, communication is always checked by distrust in proportion to the number whose concurrence is necessary.

Hence, it clearly appears, that the same advantage which a republic has over a democracy, in controlling the effects of faction, is enjoyed by a large over a small republic, — is enjoyed by the Union over the States composing it. Does the advantage consist in the substitution of representatives whose enlightened views and virtuous sentiments render them superior to local prejudices and schemes of injustice? It will not be denied that the representation of the Union will be most likely to possess these requisite endowments. Does it consist in the greater security afforded by a greater variety of parties, against the event of any one party being able to outnumber and oppress the rest? In an equal degree does the increased variety of parties comprised within the Union, increase this security. Does it, in fine, consist in the greater obstacles opposed to the concert and accomplishment of the secret wishes of an unjust and interested majority? Here, again, the extent of the Union gives it the most palpable advantage.

The influence of factious leaders may kindle a flame within their particular States, but will be unable to spread a general conflagration through the other States. A religious sect may degenerate into a political faction in a part of the Confederacy; but the variety of sects dispersed over the entire face of it must secure the national councils against any danger from that source. A rage for paper money, for an abolition of debts, for an equal division of property, or for any other improper or wicked project, will be less apt to pervade the whole body of the Union than a particular member of it; in the same proportion as such a malady is more likely to taint a particular county or district, than an entire State.

In the extent and proper structure of the Union, therefore, we behold a republican remedy for the diseases most incident to republican government. And according to the degree of pleasure and pride we feel in being republicans, ought to be our zeal in cherishing the spirit and supporting the character of Federalists.